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The Roosevelt administration was divided by a long-running struggle between the Department of State and the War Department, which centred largely on the role of the armed forces in occupation and military government. Responsibility for the administration of Germany was tossed back and forth between them because of changing ideas on the nature of military occupation.

Until March , the occupation was to be supervised by the War Office; then a revision handed responsibility to the Foreign Office, until in June the War Office took over again. However, military government officers continued to report directly to the Foreign Office, bypassing the War Office and particularly COGA, which was dissolved soon after its establishment. Both Roosevelt and Churchill delayed firm decisions. In both Washington and London, civil servants drew upon a familiar set of procedures while preparing for the German occupation: they trained staff, conducted research into likely scenarios, compiled handbooks.

The result was a set of preparations similar in tone and substance to plans produced for other countries, with little strategic thought about what the Allies wanted to achieve in Germany. It was in this context that in August the Morgenthau Plan entered the planning arena, when Henry Morgenthau, secretary of the US Treasury, prepared a comprehensive scheme on the political and economic treatment of Germany after surrender. Such tendencies, he maintained, could be identified in the official memoranda.

If these directives were to guide American conduct, Morgenthau argued, any change of German society was going to be superficial and temporary. Germany's participation in a third world war could not be prevented by the kind of controls that had been imposed after Experience had shown that factories converted to peacetime production could always be converted back; that the destruction of industries only had a temporary effect; and that banning Nazism would only drive it underground.

Allied military governments would not be able to supervise Germany for ever. The key to the German problem, according to Morgenthau, lay in economics. Germany would only become peaceful if it was transformed into an agrarian society, if its industrial base was stripped away, and if the industries vital to military strength were dismantled and transported to other nations as a form of restitution.

A military occupation would have to prevent their re-establishment, and would have to continue for at least twenty years. During this time Germany should receive no economic aid. The fate of the Morgenthau Plan is well known. Roosevelt initially supported it, but the Foreign Office, the State Department, and a series of economic advisers objected to at least some of its proposals. Reparations would have to be extracted in a more viable way, they argued, or else Germany would become a heavy burden on Allied governments and taxpayers.

Although the plan was never fully or even partially implemented, a number of primarily German historians have ascribed to it great influence. Most importantly, the debates it triggered signalled to planners that the occupation of Germany was different from other Allied projects. Some of the plan's premises and specific clauses were taken up in later policy. Specifically, German living conditions and features such as the health service were now treated as part and extension of the German state's war machine, to be dealt with accordingly.

This proved to be of fundamental importance for the planning of public health operations. Aspirations of toughness predominated thereafter, and handbooks and outline plans were rewritten to conform to these new standards. They emphasized the differences between liberated countries and Germany, and declared that the standard of living could not be allowed to be higher in Germany than elsewhere. First, no steps towards the economic rehabilitation of Germany were to be undertaken; the responsibility for maintaining existing conditions lay exclusively with German authorities.

Second, no relief supplies were to be imported or distributed beyond the minimum necessary to prevent disease and disorder, and only insofar as these might hamper military operations. This was particularly crucial to the planning of health work. Third, all Nazis and Nazi sympathizers were to be punished systematically and all Nazi organizations were to be dissolved. As a result, the later drafts of the public health section of the Handbook focused on the pervasiveness of Nazi ideology in the health service, rather than, as before, the achievements and successes of German public health and social medicine before Rather, sole aim of the Military Government is to further military objectives.

Principal points to be emphasized are the following: a. The German people will be made to realize that all necessary steps will be taken to prevent any further attempt by them to conquer the world. No steps will be taken looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany nor designed to maintain or strengthen the German economy except those needed to prevent epidemics or serious diseases and serious civil disorder which would endanger the forces and to prevent the dissipation or sabotage of German equipment required for Allies countries.

It is essential that all Military Government personnel be disabused of this concept. Its final version the eighth was issued to Eisenhower on 14 May It contained measures on the reorganization of industry and administrative structures, but overall emphasis was placed on the prohibition of attempts to facilitate or aid German recovery. Your aim is not oppression but to occupy Germany for the purpose of realizing certain important Allied objectives. In the conduct of your occupation and administration you should be just, but firm and aloof.

You will strongly discourage fraternization with the German officials and population. There were clear implications for public health work: health operations had to be oriented towards military necessity, and the burden of work had to be carried by German authorities.

You will take all practicable economic and police measures to assure that German resources are fully utilized and consumption held to the minimum in order that imports may be strictly limited and that surpluses may be made available for the occupying forces and displaced persons and United Nations prisoners of war, and for reparation. You will take no action that would tend to support basic living standards in Germany on a higher level than that existing in any one of the neighboring United Nations.

Civil affairs ranked relatively low down in the hierarchy of military plans, suffering not only from the vague and shifting political objectives that affected all planning, but also from the fact that priority was given to combat operations.

In his official history of the British civil affairs teams, F. Donnison observed that civil affairs staffs were often seen as an obstacle to military success. At a time when he is bending all energy and resources to the overcoming of his enemy, Civil Affairs staffs can easily appear as impediments rather than aids to his operations. In fact, these activities are intended to facilitate longer term military operations.

But for the commander there may be no long term operation if he fails in the immediate battle. But many tended to be eccentrics, skilled in some little-known or faintly ludicrous employment, but hopelessly unmilitary, and some even anti-military. Or else, somewhat naturally, they were the weaker members rejected from the more active units. All Civil Affairs officers were likely to be a little elderly. A General Officer delivering an inaugural address at the Civil Affairs staff centre seemed to see seated before him all those officers whom he had, over the past months, been at pains to weed out from under his command.

The records from American and British public health staffs show that their work suffered from a low ranking in the military hierarchy. Public health operations, especially those dealing with civilian populations, were widely seen as secondary considerations. Brigadier E. This problem of status is important for understanding how Allied staffs expected public health work to fit into the occupation. Some work was also conducted within the Internal Affairs and Communications Division of the future Control Commissions.

The British division was based in London and was active from onwards, but in the early stages was primarily concerned with the recruitment and training of its staff. In both, basic public health work was carried out by the medical officers in military government detachments. An American directive from April explained that these detachments are military units which have prescribed missions, including public health activities. They are provided to relieve the fighting forces of civil commitments to the maximum practicable.

Whenever possible they, like Military Government Staffs, serve as channels for dealing with civil authorities. Army staffs were to prevent epidemics, especially of typhus and typhoid fever, by putting in place strict quarantine arrangements, reporting all incidences of disease, supervising vaccination programmes, and repairing sanitary installations. Instructions demanded that detachments were to make contact with native health officials and give assistance where necessary.

These health operations were very different from work that was overseen by the British and American civilian health departments in their countries, and from the activities by non-governmental or international relief organizations such as the Red Cross or the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration UNRRA.

There simply was no forum for non-military health work in Germany. Boucher asked whether they could recommend suitable candidates, and whether they could offer guidelines on the salary ranges to be adopted for these officers. He also asked for advice on how to advertise jobs and conduct job interviews. The following episode illustrates the fractious relationship.

Civil Defence alone would feel his loss very heavily. Moreover that area has had heavy inroads made on its P. Med Officers. Why should British needs suffer because of Germany? Items on the agenda included problems such as the lack of equipment and transportation, the lack of time, and the lack of coordination with other sections of the military.

But more than any other issue, they bemoaned the lack of suitable public health personnel. We must keep plugging away. Reference was made to numerical shortages to show what we are up against in the matter of qualified personnel. I cannot do it without tools, and by tools I mean bodies. The planning I have committed to has been restricted to 10 medical officers per group.

I have 16 present out of 80 authorized and 80 is the barest minimum by which we could succeed. This has been taken up here at SHAEF and at the War Office, but at home they do not realize how serious this matter is, and the fact that German health conditions, if not taken care of sufficiently, will boomerang on us and the Army in general. The matter should be stressed, and stressed very forcibly at this time. The list is a fairly substantial one but of course, a number of people are unfit, some are not willing to volunteer, and there are people whom the authorities are not willing to release.

A manual for Operation Eclipse, designed as the first stage of the peace and initiated as the Allied armies crossed the Siegfried Line, described this differentiation. We therefore respect their sovereignty and their institutions, and we endeavour to work in harmony with them. We do not interfere with their laws, nor attempt to impose any of our own; and we claim no jurisdiction whatever over their citizens. The diplomatic approach to civil authority which is used in liberated territories will be replaced by the issue of orders, obedience to which will be exacted, and disobedience to which will be punishable in our own Military Government courts.

The civil administration, and all aspects of civil life, will be directed and controlled according to the requirements of, initially, the Supreme Commander and, ultimately the Control Council, whose authority will be final.

Germany will be made to realise that this time she has been well and truly beaten in the field by force of arms, and must now do as she is ordered. As we have seen, this distinction was absent in earlier schemes. However, these premises disappeared from later plans. After the Morgenthau controversy, schemes no longer focused on possible German needs, but rather on Germany's comparatively high pre-war standard of living.

Similarly, the recommendation that public health required a level of economic and agricultural development clashed with later principles of what the occupation was to achieve: the aim was not to facilitate Germany's recovery, but rather to remove the German threat to world security. As a result, the link between the population's health and the country's prosperity was subsequently removed from occupation manuals. In practice, health planning for Germany was very different from the Leith-Ross Committee's recommendations.

One episode illustrates the tenor of the debate. In June , Mr Gorvin from the Ministry of Economic Warfare wrote to the Polish Ministry of Finance that he was compiling estimates of the immediate post-war requirements of Germany, and wondered whether the Poles could help with data or ideas. If such representations are made I think that the only line to take will be to say that Mr Gorvin acted entirely on his own initiative and that there is of course absolutely no intention on our part to commit ourselves in any way to proposals for feeding Germans before we have all made up our minds on the political problems involved.

Some argued that for pedagogical reasons the Germans should be given food only after all the nations who had suffered because of Germany. The rations should be kept below those of our Allies. As a result, health operations in Germany were to be conducted in a different tone from those elsewhere. Differences concerned particularly the provision of supplies and personnel—and since so many of the discussions focused on supply, this was crucial.

American and British health officers were instructed to distribute food, drugs, and medical supplies first to liberated populations, and once in Germany, to Allied nationals and non-German displaced persons, before considering the requirements of the German population. Germans were not to be given any medical supplies beyond the absolute minimum necessary. The first effort will be to utilise German biological and other medical supplies.

Allied troops were instructed to ensure a daily allocation of 2, calories per person in the friendly countries and for those non-Germans in the displaced persons camps in Germany, mainly by using up military stocks and distributing donations and German stores. On the other hand, in the light of prevalent shortages rations for the German population had to be significantly lower.

How much do we dare cut him down? It differentiated between health work in liberated countries and in Germany. Instead of preparing for epidemics and health crises, health teams were told to focus on the collection of information on German equipment and medical stores, through which the requirements of Allied purposes elsewhere were to be met. The plan began with an overview of the German regional and local organization of health administration and the role performed by the German Ministry of the Interior.

It went on to anticipate the kind of situation likely to be faced by the American health staffs. This necessitates a responsible civilian health organization, properly equipped and staffed with suitable facilities and powers to carry out its necessary functions. This necessitates provision of medical staffs, facilities and services for these people. Civilian health did not feature as a major concern, because German authorities were expected to continue with their work, and Allied health officers were only required to supervise them.

Directives on the treatment of Germany after its surrender thus had a clear impact on public health work. Health officers were instructed that, in the interests of security and justice, German living standards and nutrition were to be capped at levels below those of neighbouring countries.

The main effect was to limit health work. While public health work carried out by army detachments usually involved making contact with the native population and combining army and civilian resources, it was to be much more limited in Germany. Health operations on German soil were necessary only so far as they affected Allied troops and Germany's neighbours. Second, the occupiers were to rely on German organizations for the bulk of necessary tasks.

It will be the Military Government officers who will be controlling each Public Health department at Provinz level. Our relationship is with the Ministry on top and does not extend beyond that. The rules for dissemination of instructions have not been worked out as yet, but possibly we, on behalf of the Supreme Command, will give directions to the German Ministry for the issue of instructions on this matter down to those in the field, and it will be for the Military Government officer in the field to see that those instructions are duly acted upon, and are effected.

We are planning on the assumption that central government in Germany will still exist. The inherent contradiction was only rarely acknowledged. In September , when the UK Treasury was in the process of approving the sizes of various Control Commission branches, a Treasury official, Mr Wilcox, inquired about the extent to which the British authorities were going to interfere with medical and health arrangements in Germany. We do not know in what condition we shall find the administrative machine, but one thing, to my mind, is quite clear: Nazi doctrine permeates the whole public health structure and must be eradicated.

If control amounted to no more than this, its result would undoubtedly be to eliminate the severe regimentation to which the health services and their personnel are at present subjected. These services cannot, however, be permitted to function on purely parochial lines, in face of the many public health problems likely to confront us for a considerable time after the cessation of hostilities. Regimentation of a fairly strict kind will be essential, and it will be our job to enforce it.

The Leith-Ross paper had still noted as a matter of fact that the most extensive health and relief operations would have to be conducted in countries where the heaviest fighting had taken place, Germany included. The United States Strategic Bombing Survey's study The Effect of Bombing on Health and Medical Care in Germany, compiled during the last year of the war and published in autumn , exemplified this perspective and its contradictions.

In close to carefully researched pages it laid out how German health and medical care had been severely disrupted by the war. And yet, such observations did not prompt a reconsideration of the problems to be encountered by the occupation troops. On the contrary, its conclusions pointed to the fundamental strength and soundness of German structures. They no longer contemplated that the German standard of living might actually have to be raised because of extensive destruction.

Broadly speaking, in civilized communities it signifies a token of friendship. The Germans will endeavor to shake hands on every possible occasion in an attempt to curry favor. Drinking with Germans, visiting German homes, playing games or taking part in sports with Germans and accepting or giving gifts, is not permitted.

German women will be treated with courtesy but behavior towards them is to be strictly governed by the policy of non-fraternisation. The other two? Soviet and French approaches to the Occupation of Germany Preparations for the Allied occupation of Germany in Washington and London created the blueprints not just for the British and American zones but for the entire occupation of Germany. They bound the other two occupiers, the Soviet Union and France, to priorities they did not always share and arrangements they did not always support.

Both Soviet and French attempts to develop plans of their own were hampered by internal disagreements over aims, a lack of resources, and, most acutely for the French, a lack of time. However, the Big Three's public accord disguised discord behind the scenes. Soviet policy prioritized military and economic security in a manner frequently distrusted or openly rejected by the British and Americans, particularly in matters of reparations.

In view of the devastation of large parts of the Soviet Union, the Soviet government was determined to demand the payment of a huge reparations bill. The Morgenthau Plan, although not implemented, marked a shift within Anglo-American thinking to a more tough-minded handling of Germany. By contrast, there were clear economic reasons why the Soviet Union supported proposals to deindustrialize Germany. She turned around and put 3 more b2c2 bitcoin on playback. Capek on the ground, head throbbing and no load penny stocks bruised.

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